India’s Three-Pronged War Strategy – Analysis

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi has redefined the dynamics of bilateral relations with Pakistan. In this, he has unveiled a strategic framework for his approach to countering terrorism coming from the Pakistani deep state, including the Army and the spy agency Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). The new strategy is anchored in three vectors: political, military, and psychological[1].

Each of these vectors or components work synergistically to target and dismantle terrorism at its core. This comprehensive strategy has been at work since 2019, when India abrogated Article 370 and 35A, carried out the Balakot air strikes and hit terror launch pads located right near the International Boundary (IB) with Pakistan. This time, India hit deep inside Pakistani territory, enabling New Delhi to decisively elevate its efforts to combat the persistent threat from its western neighbour.

At first glance, it may appear that Operation Sindoor was initiated by the Indian armed forces as a direct response to the tragic execution of 26 innocent civilians in Pahalgam. However, the true objective is broader and more strategic, designed to dismantle the entire framework of terrorism that has been cultivated, orchestrated, and sustained by the Pakistan since the Afghan jihad project of the 1980s.

The targeted attacks in Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir (PoK) and Pakistan, provided India an opportunity to test the waters for creating theatre commands and “jointness” – included in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s 2024 manifesto that clearly mentioned that theaterisation of military commands to be established under the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) for “better coordination in the military,” and “more efficient operations.”[2]

Operation Sindoor was the first such test for the government when it came to fulfilling the objective of creating military theaters on India’s borders. The Ministry of Defence stated that the operation that went on for four days from 7-10 May, “marked a turning point in India’s defence doctrine”.[3]

The “jointness” in India’s security apparatus is described as moving beyond a vision and theory, and becoming a reality as a defence doctrine for India. It is reflected in the capacity of the Indian armed forces which has demonstrated strength across the domains of land, sea, and air and evolved into a robust reality. Under the expanded strategy, India plans to hit at its very genesis of terrorism – the Pakistan-headquartered Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e- Mohammed (JeM), both of which had fought in Afghanistan during the Soviet occupation along with the Hizb-ul Mujahideen (HM).

This was clearly spelled out by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his first address to the nation post Operation Sindoor on 12 May, 2025.[4] “Many terrorist leaders were roaming freely in Pakistan for the last two and a half to three decades who used to conspire against India. India killed them in one stroke. We will take strict action at every place from where the roots of terrorism emerge,” Modi said. The Indian Armed Forces have now been given “full freedom” to eradicate terrorism, he added.

Modi universalised the basic tenets of his strategy when he mentioned along with the Pahalgam attacks, the 9/11 2001 attacks on New York’s Twin Towers, and the London Tube Bombings of 2005. He said Operation Sindhoor was a continuing operation, until terrorism from Pakistan was shut down.

This is why it took New Delhi two weeks to launch Operation Sindoor. Within that time India took a series of unprecedented diplomatic steps: putting into abeyance the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) for the first time since it came into effect in 1960 as well as commercial steps such as shutting down trade, including the third country route of export and import of merchandise goods running through Dubai, Singapore and Qatar, cancelling existing visas and closing the gates of the Attari-Wagah land border crossing. All this while India was working on an effective kinetic response to seize the opportunity and show the world that India was ready for theaterisation and a unified military command.

The military strategy then took effect, with the Indian Armed forces primarily attacking the JeM and LeT headquarters in Bahawalpur, Muridke and Muzaffarabad, the cradles of the dreaded terrorist organisations. This will be India’s strategy going forward under Operation Sindoor: a mix of the political and military vectors whose primary aim is to raise the cost of terrorism for Pakistan, in that India will hit anywhere inside Pakistan to eliminate the terror networks. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh said on 16 May while visiting the Bhuj Air Force Station that came under Pakistani air strikes, “India’s fight against terrorism is now part of national defence doctrine, we will root out this hybrid and proxy warfare.”[5]

The government’s military objective is to escalate pressure on Pakistan, building on the 2016 surgical strikes and the 2019 Balakot air strikes. This time, the war room in Delhi, armed with extensive intelligence inputs, concentrated on selecting the targets and the methods to strike them. The challenge was significant, as it required hitting multiple terrorist and military targets within Pakistani territory with precision, utilising a diverse mix of both traditional and modern military equipment from India’s arsenal. India had intelligence of the location of the headquarters of LeT, JeM and HM in Pakistan.[6]

Among the nine targets that the Indian armed forces engaged, the three terrorist centres were particularly challenging due to the large size of their infrastructure which was also heavily guarded by the Pakistani Army.

Expecting a fierce response from the Pakistani armed forces, the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force worked in unison to create an effective multilayered air defence system with the capability of addressing threats, aiming for both soft as well hard kill.i

The first layer of the air defence systems consisted of drones and shoulder-fired MANPADS (Man-Portable Air Defense Systems).[7] The second layer handled short-range surface-to-air missiles. The third layer had medium-range surface-to-air missiles while the fourth and the final layer comprised long-range surface-to-air missiles. All these were guarded by surveillance radars, both indigenous and imported.[8]

With this air defence grid, the IAF was able to counter Pakistan’s Chinese-origin PL-15 air- to-air missiles, the Pakistani long-range rockets and loiter munitions. India used weapons such as the BrahMos Missile, SCALP, Crystal Maze, HAMMER and SPICE 2000 precision- guided munitions. It was able to also neutralise the Turkish-origin YIHA systems, as shown at a joint presser by the Indian Army, Indian Air Force and Indian Navy on 12 May. [9]

In addition to the terrorist headquarters, the IAF conducted targeted air strikes across the length and breadth of Pakistan, specifically the Nur Khan Air Base in Chaklala, Rawalpindi and Rahim Yar Khan Air Base in Punjab. Both these air bases are the most critical for the Pakistan Air Force.

The Indian Navy on its part, was assigned to persistent surveillance, detection, and identification of enemy missiles in the Arabian Sea. It deployed multiple sensors and intelligence inputs to respond to threats as they arose, as Pakistan had launched all-round assaults, targeting civilians as well as military installations. Even for the Navy, the operations were conducted under a layered fleet air defence system, addressing threats from Pakistani drones, missiles, and aircraft.

It was a comprehensive plan. The Navy created a carrier battle group to hold an uncontested, and dominant presence in the Arabian Sea region with anti-missile and anti-aircraft defence capabilities. This kept Pakistani aircrafts and defence systems restricted to the Makran coast and their Navy was unable to engage.

The final aspect of this strategy is to conduct psychological warfare combined with the political and military vectors – to make it clear that India will not hesitate to again hit deep inside the Pakistani mainland.

While the world is still studying and analysing India’s new war strategy, New Delhi has to now deploy a more effective and innovative counter-infiltration grid to prevent another Pahalgam – just as the U.S. has made sure for over two decades that another 9/11 does not occur on its soil. The U.S.’ multi-faceted approach included bolstering security measures, enhancing intelligence gathering, disrupting terrorist financing internationally, countering extremist propaganda and a focus on countering terrorism abroad.

The commencement and continuation of Operation Sindoor will create heightened security challenges in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Despite the increased security presence, say internal intelligence and local police, Pakistan has sent over 200 terrorists into J&K, some being trained fidayeen or suicide bombers[10].

Since April 22, more than 20 Kashmiris have lost their lives due to the Pakistani shelling, while thousands have been displaced. Intense gunfights and confrontations between J&K Police and terrorists occur almost daily, as do intense search operations in Jammu. Local businesses and educational institutions are vocal about having peace and hence livelihoods. Reports are emerging that the security landscape is rapidly deteriorating as terrorism continues, resulting in gun-fights with security forces almost on a daily basis in areas that are considered hotbeds for militancy.

Previous Indian governments have tried to resolve the Kashmir issue, including the 2006 Manmohan-Musharraf four-point formula[11] and prior to that, the 2002 Vajpayee “hand of friendship” extended to Pakistan, hoping to create a conducive environment for resolving the problem. But Pakistan’s support for terrorism has continued unabated.

The ancient proverb, “the enemy of my enemy is my friend,” has found fresh use in the new environment in India. In an unprecedented move, after the Taliban government officially condoled with India on Pahalgam, New Delhi expanded its outreach to the interim government in Kabul – the very same regime hand-picked by Pakistan’s ISI, but which has now turned against its creator – with the goal of keeping the Taliban close to India in its fight against Pakistan. On 15 May, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar held talks with Afghan interim Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi over the telephone.

In the immediate, the civilian government in Kashmir and in New Delhi have much work to do. They can start by fulfilling the 2019 promise to return statehood to Jammu and Kashmir.[12]