Exclusive: Taliban’s cabinet largely dominated by leaders from Kandahar
More than four years after the Taliban reclaimed power in Afghanistan, a detailed examination of their cabinet composition by Amu reveals a deep concentration of power in the hands of leaders from the southern province of Kandahar.
The investigation by Amu TV shows that out of 25 cabinet ministers appointed by the Taliban, seven are from Kandahar. While that figure may appear modest at first glance, it dramatically understates Kandahar’s dominance. All of the most senior leadership positions — including the Taliban’s supreme leader, their chief minister, their deputy chief minister who is the top economic decision-maker, the central bank governor, and the chief justice — are held by Kandahari Taliban.
The provincial skew underscores what critics describe as the Taliban’s insular and exclusionary approach to governance. Cabinet roles are overwhelmingly filled by ethnic Pashtuns from the south and southeast, while much of the country — including major provinces such as Kabul, Nangarhar, Herat, and Balkh — are entirely absent from the cabinet’s makeup. Women, ethnic minorities, and non-Taliban technocrats are similarly excluded.
Kandahar at the core
Kandahar, where the Taliban emerged in the 1990s, occupies the epicenter of power in their new political hierarchy. In addition to Hibatullah Akhundzada, the reclusive supreme leader based in Kandahar city, key national institutions are led by fellow Kandaharis.
These figures include Mohammad Hassan Akhund, chief minister; Abdul Ghani Baradar, deputy chief minister for economic affairs; Mohammad Yaqoob Mujahid, minister of defense; Mohammad Nasser Akhund, minister of finance; Abdul Hakim Haqqani, chief justice; Ahmad Zia Agha, governor of the Central Bank; Habibullah Agha, minister of education; Nida Mohammad Nadim, minister of higher education; Mohammad Younus Akhundzada, minister of rural rehabilitation and development; Abdul Manan Omari, minister of labor and social affairs; and Mohammad Isa Akhund, minister of public works.
The dominance of Kandahari figures in security, finance, education, and judicial positions reflects the province’s entrenched influence over both ideological and administrative policy-making.
Regional patterns
The Taliban cabinet also reflects the influence of other southern and southeastern provinces, though to a lesser extent.
Paktia, home to the powerful Haqqani network, is represented by three cabinet ministers: Sirajuddin Haqqani, Taliban minister of interior; Abdul Kabir, minister of refugees and repatriation and Abdul Latif Mansoor, minister of energy and water.
Helmand, another key Taliban stronghold, holds three ministerial positions, including Amir Khan Muttaqi, Taliban minister of foreign affairs; Hidayatullah Badri, minister of mines and petroleum; and Hamidullah Akhundzada, minister of transport and civil aviation.
Kunar is represented by Noor Jalal Jalali, Taliban minister of public health; and Najibullah Hayat Haqqani, minister of telecommunications.
Provinces such as Ghazni, Wardak, Uruzgan, and Nuristan also have some representation, though typically with one ministerial position each.
This includes Abdulhaq Wasiq, the Taliban’s intelligence chief (from Ghazni); Khalid Hanafi, the Taliban minister of vice and virtue (from Nuristan); Noorullah Noori, minister of tribal affairs (from Uruzgan); Abdul Hakim Sharaee, minister of justice (from Khost); Shir Ahmad Haqqani, minister of information and culture (from Maidan Wardak); and Hamdullah Numani, minister of urban development and housing (from Ghazni).
Northern and central provinces excluded
In sharp contrast, major provinces from Afghanistan’s north and center — including Kabul, Balkh, Herat, Bamiyan, and Badakhshan — have minimal or no representation. Only a handful of non-Pashtuns have cabinet roles.
These figures include Nooruddin Azizi, Taliban minister of industry and commerce, from Panjshir; Din Mohammad Hanif, minister of economy, from Badakhshan; and Ataullah Omari, minister of agriculture and livestock, from Faryab.
None of the current ministers hail from provinces such as Kabul, Kapisa, Parwan, Kunduz, Takhar, Herat, Farah, Zabul, Paktika, Nangarhar, Logar, Bamiyan, Daikundi, or Nimroz.
Shukria Barakzai, former ambassador to Norway, said the cabinet structure reveals the Taliban’s ideological rigidity. “This regime is autocratic,” she said. “It’s built entirely on the Taliban’s religious ideology and leaves no room for women, technocrats, ethnic or religious minorities, or political inclusion.”
Critics argue that the Taliban’s vision of governance remains tightly centralized and resistant to pluralism. “A representative government must reflect Afghanistan’s historical diversity,” said Asif Mobaligh, a university professor. “Instead, we see exclusion on every front — ethnic, regional, religious, and gender.”
Women and minorities entirely absent
The cabinet also includes no women — a fact that has drawn widespread condemnation from Afghan citizens and the international community. No Hazara, Sikh, Hindu, or Shia representatives are part of the cabinet, despite repeated global calls for an inclusive government.
“We, the women, have no place in this government. Our educated youth also have no place in it. We’re not happy with this situation,” said a women in Kabul, who spoke to Amu on condition of anonymity over security reasons.
“This government only represents one group. Thousands of educated youth have fled due to poverty and unemployment. This isn’t a government for all Afghans,” said another Kabul resident.
Since returning to power in 2021, the Taliban have been under mounting pressure — from the United Nations, regional neighbors including Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, and Turkey, and Western governments — to form an inclusive government.
Taliban leaders, however, have repeatedly insisted that their current cabinet is “inclusive” and reflective of Afghanistan’s needs, despite all evidence to the contrary.