India’s Perspective on Central Asian Security

India’s approach to Central Asia is one of strategic outreach, which is somewhat cautious but characterised by proactive engagement, and is also underscored by the big power contest in the region. While there will be greater competition in times to come, India is bracing with Central Asia through connectivity, commerce, cooperation, collaboration and capacity, building with it a system of strategic autonomy and multi-alignment, writes Ambassador Anil Trigunayat.

Central Asia’s geostrategic features include its exceptional natural resources and a location which make it a trans-Eurasian logistical hub. India considers the region part of its extended neighbourhood; this historical and civilisational connection dates back several thousand years. A deep study of archaeological and literary sources will reveal that links between India and Central Asia predate both Islam and the Silk Road.

In 1947, when India achieved independence, it was physically severed from Afghanistan and Central Asia, as well as the South Caucasus. Over time, it interacted with the region as part of the Soviet Union but only started engaging with it directly when the countries there gained their independence in the 1990s. India and Armenia have also significantly strengthened their cooperation, especially in defence and security. Together with Iran, they provide a certain framework of mutually beneficial strategic interaction which helps in addressing Turkey, Azerbaijan and Pakistan. This particular trilateral axis is a cause for concern for India, given their generally adversarial anti-India stance. “Corridors of Peace” including the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as well as the New Silk Road, Middle Corridor and Trump’s recently-introduced TRIPP all have competitive and counterproductive streaks which could lead to some conflict scenarios and impact India’s strategic concerns.

Connectivity is critical and had become the key concern regarding Indo-Central Asian relations, but this has been allayed in recent years due to the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and digital bridge with several countries in the region, as well as India’s role in the management and use of Chabahar Port in Iran. In 2012, relations with the region picked up steam when New Delhi launched its Connect Central Asia Policy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi became the first Indian leader to visit all five countries, engaging with them bilaterally as well as in the context of the SCO, CICA and C5+1. India even announced a line of credit of US$1 bn for enhancing and enriching economic engagement with the region. This is in addition to several bilateral financial grants and lines of credit, which have been extended over the last decade or so.

Eurasia’s Future

India’s foreign policy is significantly shaped by the concepts of sovereignty and strategic autonomy, which enables it to make independent decisions, especially in foreign relations, which are free from external influences, RPS Bhadauria writes. The article was prepared specially for the 5th Central Asian Conference of the Valdai Discussion Club.

Opinions

Every year since 2022, India has held India-Central Asia Summits, where the parties systematically take stock of their relations, focusing on regional and global issues. Both global and regional powers are vying for influence in Central Asia, including Russia, China, the US, the EU, Turkey and Iran, as well as several GCC countries. The new Great Game is already playing out. Moscow and Beijing have reached a certain understanding, at least in the interim. However, the frequency and expanse of C5+1 mechanisms with major powers will have their own dynamics and calculus, which New Delhi will be watching carefully. The race for connectivity and critical minerals is increasingly becoming a zero-sum game.

While New Delhi remains sensitive to Russia’s strategic primacy in the region, this may be undermined by the geopolitical, geo-economic and geo-religious contest for supremacy, as the regional majors seek to capitalise on geo-technological competition.

India’s key interests and concerns

Russia’s conflict with Ukraine has caused deep concern in Central Asia, and has led the countries there to justify closer ties with the West and China as balancers and stakeholders. India sees the resulting contest for influence among these parties as a security concern.

India is discussing a Free Trade Agreement with the Russia-led EAEU, as it deepens the special and privileged strategic partnership with Moscow as a stable anchor in a volatile world, which was clearly evident during President Putin’s recent state visit to India (December 4-5) when greater focus was placed on connectivity corridors, commerce and energy security.

Security and stability in the region are of paramount importance for India due to a number of factors. These include energy security considerations regarding Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan as well as uranium supplies from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Terrorism, extremism and radicalisation have grown with the presence of ISIS and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Tajikistan, while Lashkar-e-Taiba and several local radicalised militant and terrorist groups backed by Pakistan pose a consistent threat. Another major concern is narcotics and arms trafficking through the northern trade route as well as involving Central Asia and the Golden Crescent. Only recently, India walked away from Aini base, its only overseas military base in Tajikistan, which had been critical for coordination and observation. However, India’s relations with the Taliban-led Afghan government have improved considerably.

In order to deal with several of these challenges, various joint working groups have been set up, focusing on counter-terrorism, Afghanistan and border security. An NSA (National Security Adviser) level mechanism takes stock of collaboration and challenges on a periodic basis. Intelligence and counter-terrorism – information regarding terror networks, drug routes and radicalisation patterns, are discussed and redressal mechanisms are bolstered. The most recent meeting of the NSAs, in October 2025 in Bishkek, focused on cybersecurity, terrorism and AI, and how to rely on new and emerging technology cooperation in order to deal with extant challenges. Defence and security cooperation has acquired greater salience, with the training of defence personnel from the region as well as the holding of military exercises like KAZIND and DUSTLIK.

B.K. Sharma

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Opinions

India is wary of the increasing footprints of China and Turkey in Central Asia, as they have links to Pakistan and pose real and potential challenges. Central Asian leaders are trying to develop their collective bargaining position to counter hegemonistc influences and leverage their geostrategic advantage through strategic autonomy. They will prefer collaboration with India as yet another benign alternative, which as such, is a master in the art of strategic autonomy and multi-alignment.

India is also focusing on establishing digital and fintech bridges and networks, ICT collaboration through Digital Public Infrastructure Initiatives, improving healthcare and pharmaceuticals via the Health for All initiative and medical diplomacy, engaging in educational and capacity building, strengthening E-governance partnerships, renewable energy and space cooperation. Critical minerals are also of significant interest. People-to-people exchanges and public and cultural diplomacy, including through Bollywood, have once again become key instruments of engagement through soft power.

India’s approach to Central Asia is one of strategic outreach, which is somewhat cautious but characterised by proactive engagement, and is also underscored by the big power contest in the region.

While there will be greater competition in times to come, India is bracing with Central Asia through connectivity, commerce, cooperation, collaboration and capacity, building with it a system of strategic autonomy and multi-alignment.

It also coordinates and consults with Russia on issues of mutual concern and is mindful of its sensitivities. There is also the talk of revival of the “Primakov Triangle” – comprising Russia, India and China (RIC). However, RIC interests intersect in Central Asia. Whether they emerge as a confluence of nations or conflicting tributaries will decide the course of convergence or divergence. Meanwhile, all players, including India will aim at harnessing their leverage in the region to their advantage, albeit with divergent politico-philosophical approaches.